In the Pantheon of American conspiracy theories, the 1963 assassination of John F. Kennedy is the gift that keeps on giving. For nearly 60 years it has been dissected and debated by partisans of countless conspiracy theories. So what does the newly released material on the matter show? And what are they still keeping secret? In this bonus episode of Conspiracyland, we talk to two leading experts on the subject, former New York Times reporter Phil Shenon and former Washington Post Reporter Jeff Morley.

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In Bonus Episode 3, A Havana Travelogue, Isikoff talks with Conspiracyland producer Mark Seman about our wild, surreal experiences in Cuba and veteran Cuba watcher, journalist Patrick Symmes, about how the story of Havana Syndrome -- and the events it triggered-- fits into the long Cold War history of U.S. relations with Cuba.

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The third and final installment of the series recounts how senior U.S. officials became increasingly dubious about sensational claims about Havana Syndrome pointing to the lack of any hard evidence that a secret microwave weapon even exists. It features interviews with Fulton Armstrong, former CIA analyst, Jim McGovern, U.S. congressman, Mark Zaid, national security lawyer, and John Cohen, former Department of Homeland Security intelligence chief.

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Bonus Episode Two: "Henry Kissinger's Radiation Treatment," features an interview with Peter Kornbluh, of the National Security Archive who describes the years of Cold War conflict with the Soviet Union over reports that the Russians were bombarding the U.S. Embassy in Cuba.

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The second installment of the series examines the Cold War mystery over suspected microwave attacks on the U.S. Embassy in Moscow and how Pentagon fears about such bombardments heavily influenced the initial response to Havana Syndrome. It features interviews with John Fitzsimmons, the former deputy secretary of state for diplomatic security, Sharon Weinberger, a Washington journalist who describes the Pentagon’s own secret research to develop a microwave weapon, and Mike Beck, former NSA counter-intel officer who was convinced he was whacked by a microwave attack during a trip to Russia in the 1990s.

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This first bonus episode features an interview with Mitchell Valdes Sosa, the director of the Cuban Center for Neuroscience, who offers his own diagnosis of what is behind the Havana Syndrome symptoms.

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In the first installment of the series, Isikoff and his producer Mark Seman travel to Cuba where they interview Johana Ruth Tablada de la Torre, the deputy director for U.S. affairs at the Cuban Foreign Ministry about how the reports of Havana Syndrome were viewed by the country's leadership. The episode also features interviews with a leading Cuban human rights activist, Brian Nichols, the assistant U.S. secretary of state for western hemisphere affairs and Ben Rhodes, the ex-Obama aide who negotiated the reopening to Cuba in 2014 only to watch all his efforts undercut by the events that began with Havana Syndrome.

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In the fall of 2017, Jamal Khashoggi secretly met with a former FBI agent working for the legal team suing the Saudi government for alleged complicity in the terror attacks of 9/11. Although he had for years been a loyal defender of his government, Khashoggi now suggested he might be willing to help the families of 9/11 victims demanding accountability from the Saudi regime. Did the Saudis know about his surprise offer? And what are the questions still unanswered about the role of some Saudi officials in allegedly helping to facilitate the attacks. In this special bonus episode of Conspiracyland-- Khashoggi and the 9/11 lawsuit-- we dive into those issues with interviews with former FBI agent Catherine Hunt, Jim Kreindler, the chief lawyers for the families of 9/11 victims and legendary former agent Ali Soufan, who spent years investigating Al Qaeda. 

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This special bonus episode of Conspiracyland explores how the Trump White House covered up evidence that a U.S. security firm helped train members of the Saudi Tiger Team that flew to Istanbul to kill Khashoggi. When Louis Bremer, a managing director of Cerberus Capital Management, appeared before the Senate Armed Services Committee in Aug. 2020 at a confirmation hearing to be assistant secretary of defense for special operations, he was questioned by Sen. Tim Kaine about reports that a Cerberus -owned firm on whose board of directors he sat, Tier 1, had provided paramilitary training for any of the Saudi Tiger Team. Bremer said he had "no recollection" of that, but promised to check his records and get back to the committee. When he did, and submitted his responses to the White House for review, officials were flabbergasted. There were "invoices for members of the Saudi hit team," said one former senior Trump official. Rather than forward Bremer's responses to Capitol Hill, the Trump White House chose to allow Bremer's nomination to die, less the American fingerprints on Khashoggi's assassination be exposed. Joining the discussion about this-- and the broader "arms for oil" relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia is Elias Yousif at the Center for International Policy.

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In the aftermath of Khashoggi’s brutal murder, the Saudis launch a bungled cover-up, denying any knowledge of what happened to him inside their consulate while destroying key evidence. The hard drives on the consulate security cameras are removed, smashed and deposited in dumpsters throughout Istanbul. Khashoggi’s body parts are burned in a tandoor oven in the yard of the consul general’s residence. But despite the CIA’s conclusions that MBS ordered the operation that killed the journalist, President Donald Trump stands by the Saudis, citing as his principal reason billions of dollars in weapons purchases the Saudis are making from U.S. defense contractors.

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As Khashoggi moves to the United States to live in exile, he becomes more outspoken in his criticisms of the new Crown Prince’s harsh crackdowns on dissent, writing columns for the Washington Post one of which compares MBS to Putin. But as he does so, his personal life becomes more complicated. He proposes to one woman in the United States — an Egyptian flight attendant who he marries in an Islamic ceremony in northern Virginia. Then, just months later, he proposes to another woman in Turkey, leading to his efforts to retrieve his divorce records from Saudi Arabia that results in his visit to the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.

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