What would be your ideal ancient military? Would it be a semi-nomadic people with skilled cavalry and infantry, and how would you structure this military? Murray gives us his ideas and explains what his historical inspirations for this thought experiment are.

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Dylan Thomas, watching on YouTube, asked, 'I'm curious about the early life of Marcus Furius Camillus. He seems to pop up during the siege of Veii in Livy's work, with few mentions beforehand, and is then an important figure going forward. Are there any primary sources that recount his early life and career?

The man's a legend, easily one of the top ten Romans of all time, but there seem to be scant records of him.'

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"The Peloponnesian War had ripped up the existing alliances in Greece — over the next decades, the main city-states looked for ways to regain money, power, and win battles."

The team discuss the latest issue of the magazine City-States in an Arms Race: Greek innovation in the fourth century BC, issue 101.

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In the last episode, Murray expanded upon an article in the magazine in response to Chris's question. After recording that episode, Murray realised he had not answered the whole question.

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Don Antonius sent this question: 'Was there an inspiring role of Elite Units in ancient armies? Do we have accounts of battles where elite units (not necessarily “veterans”) like the Roman cataphracts, Carthage’s sacred band etc. supposedly lifted the spirits to fight on or evidently change the odds?'

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Chris sent this question for Murray, asking him to expand on one of his articles in the magazine.

'I recently read your article on the siege of Masada in Ancient Warfare magazine. I had a couple of questions regarding the assumptions made about the shortened timeline of the siege. Specifically, you mentioned two assumptions supporting the idea of a shorter siege. Could you provide more information or sources to support this hypothesis?

Additionally, I have a colleague who views Josephus's work with scepticism, considering him a collaborator whose writings might have served as Roman propaganda. Given this perspective, I wondered why there seems to be such heavy reliance on Josephus, especially considering the article's focus on Legion X Fretensis rather than Josephus's narrative.'

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Christopher asks, 'why didn't adversaries to Rome (especially on the Italian peninsula) see the methods by which Rome consistently recovered from defeat and tried to emulate them?'

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In the latest episode of the Ancient Warfare Magazine podcast, Marc De Santis speaks with Murray Dahm about his new book, Roman Soldier vs Dacian Warrior: Dacian Wars AD 85–106.

The wars between Rome and Dacia were some of the most intense and strategically important conflicts of the early 2nd century AD. Fought during the reign of Emperor Domitian and later under Trajan, these battles saw the disciplined Roman legions face off against the determined warriors of Dacia. The struggle ended with Rome’s annexation of Dacia, a victory commemorated on Trajan’s Column in Rome.

Murray’s new book, published by Osprey, examines the tactics, weaponry, and battlefield experiences of both Roman soldiers and their Dacian opponents. In this episode, he discusses the challenges faced by both sides, the effectiveness of Dacian weapons—such as the falx—and how Rome adapted its military approach to counter the threat.

Listen to the episode to learn more about one of Rome’s toughest adversaries and the warfare that shaped the empire’s northern frontier.

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This question came via a comment on an earlier podcast.

'Which type of armour did the legions under Caesar and Augustus use? I understand the lorica segmentata was adopted later, but was it used during Octavian's era? 

Additionally, I've found references to three types of scuta (shields): the curved oval used by late Republican soldiers, a slightly curved rectangular version, and the iconic rectangular scutum seen in reliefs of Trajan and Aurelius. Could you clarify which types of shields were used during Augustus' later reign and the periods of Germanicus and Vespasian?'

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Shabbi poses this intriguing question,'how vulnerable were armies during the Bronze and Iron Ages to lightning strikes, whether on the battlefield or while marching, given their use of metal weapons, armour, and formations in open areas? 

Could such vulnerability have influenced ancient religions, particularly the widespread belief in storm and lightning gods in various unconnected cultures (like Zeus, Thor, and Indra)? For example, could events like lightning strikes swaying the tide of battle (if such an event is plausible) explain why so many societies independently developed lightning-wielding deities?'

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These questions came via postcard from Michael in Boston.

'What really happened at the battle of Lugdunum (197 CE)? I've read that this battle might have been the largest in Roman history - do you agree?

I've also read that this battle lasted multiple days. How does that work? Did both sides retire at night and resume fighting in the morning, or was skirmishing constant throughout?'

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