At the NATO Summit in The Hague, NATO leaders recognised that in order to deter any future military conflict, Allies will have to pledge to spending 5% of their GDP to defence (of which up to 1.5% may be spent on defence-related investments). This has created the conditions for Allies to channel robust funding into governmental contracts with the defence industry in order to meet the new Capability Targets that are assigned for each Ally to generate collective effect. To meet these targets and acquire capabilities at pace, NATO now has to greatly increase and optimise the capacity of its defence industrial base. The updated Defence Production Action Plan, publicly released at the Summit in The Hague presents a concrete programme to optimise and strengthen the Allied defence industry, maximise its outcomes and increase Allies’ return on investment.

As the NATO Summit approaches, we stand at a pivotal moment for our Alliance and our shared mission to safeguard peace. The Madrid, Vilnius and Washington Summits already set a clear path for NATO following Russia’s unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine and a shifting global security landscape. In The Hague, we will evaluate our progress and go even further, cementing our new capability targets and establishing new spending commitments to strengthen our collective defence.

Recent events have solidified the Baltic Sea as an area of critical strategic importance. It serves as a vital maritime trading route, hosts considerable networks of Critical Undersea Infrastructure (CUI), and holds significant potential for the development of new sources of energy. As a result, it is also an area which is highly vulnerable to the increasingly prevalent threat of hybrid attacks – that is, attacks just below the threshold of kinetic warfare, which blur the lines between peace and conflict, such as the sabotage of critical infrastructure.

The defence posture of NATO member countries, which had already dramatically shifted after 2014, was accelerated irreversibly in 2022 with Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The trend of boosting defence spending has been witnessed across the Alliance, however, it has been especially strong in the countries closer to NATO’s eastern flank, as Europe has recognised its obligation to share more fairly the financial burden of defending itself. Within this new paradigm, Poland and Germany represent two examples of European countries who are stepping up to this challenge by securing significant defence funding in different yet equally effective ways.

Three years on from the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the values of liberty and volia—a unique Ukrainian word that signifies an unyielding drive for freedom and overcoming obstacles — have remained central to Ukraine’s identity. They say that the true value of something is only fully understood when it is either lost or when one gives everything to defend it. As we endure this war, we Ukrainians fully understand what it means to be free.

On 6 December 2024, in an unprecedented move, Romania’s Constitutional Court annulled the results of the first round of its 24 November presidential election, citing evidence provided by intelligence agencies that the electoral process had been “compromised throughout its duration and across all stages”. This dramatic decision, unparalleled in Romania’s history since the 1989 revolution against the communist regime, underscores the evolving nature of hybrid warfare, one aspect of which includes algorithmic manipulation and cyber-enabled disinformation campaigns that target and destabilise democracies. The prospect of a NATO Ally on the Alliance’s south-eastern flank being undermined—not through military invasion but through algorithm-driven social media manipulation—serves as a stark reminder of national security vulnerabilities in the digital age. The implications extend far beyond Romania, highlighting the urgent need to integrate robust information security measures into NATO’s strategic framework.

Many Colombians were surprised when the government announced in 2017 that their country was becoming a NATO “global partner”. In a polarised political atmosphere, where citizens are accustomed to news and debates about combatting armed rebels and criminal groups, this development was confusing. Was the country becoming a member of the Alliance? Were Colombian soldiers to be deployed in remote war theatres? Could NATO members support Colombia if the country went to war?

On December 3, 2021, the Washington Post published an article referring to unclassified US intelligence reports on massive Russian troop movements, suggesting that “the Kremlin is planning a multi-front offensive as soon as early next year involving up to 175,000 troops”. The article marked the beginning of a British and American campaign to disclose classified information on Russian President Vladimir Putin’s plans.

The United Nations International Day of Persons with Disabilities is celebrated every year on December 3rd. This year, the international community is also celebrating the 75th anniversary of the adoption of the Geneva Conventions of 1949. The Geneva Conventions are cornerstones of international humanitarian law that came in the wake of World War II and the Holocaust, when hundreds of thousands of persons with disabilities were exterminated alongside Jewish people and other minorities. The Nuremberg tribunal found that the mass killing of persons with disabilities during World War II constituted a crime against humanity, and thus gave explicit recognition to persecution based on disability.

In his first press conference following the elections, the United Kingdom’s new Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer stressed the UK’s “unshakable” commitment to NATO and that his government’s “first duty” must be security and defence. As part of this commitment, a significant focus should be placed on securing Britain’s and other NATO Allies’ digital supply chains against stepped up cyber attacks by threat actors determined to breach our critical national infrastructure.

As I approach the end of my tenure as NATO Secretary General, I look back at some of the important lessons of the past 10 years that I believe must continue to guide the Alliance in the future.