A history podcast about the Christian Church. Pyramid schemes, political campaigns, and all the big questions.
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Tim LaHaye wrote different kinds of books. Books on marriage, sexuality, the end times, and those involved in social and political movements. In his young years, Tim LaHaye taught for the John Birch Society. His conspiratorial view of the world carried over into his theology, evidenced by the Left Behind series, as well as the topic of the show today, The Battle for the Mind. Published in 1980, this little book takes a negative view of humanism. He defines humanism as, essentially, everything that has gone with society in the last 2,000 years. It's a very broad, almost useless definition.
Humanism is actually a movement that started in Northern Italy around the 1200s, which tries to lift up the value of the human person. That takes a lot of different shapes, from secular or atheistic humanism to Christian humanism. In fact, as we argue in the episode, LaHaye's view misses the positive ways that humanism has shaped the United States and evangelicalism.
My guest today is Dr. Darrell Bock. He is the author or editor of over 45 books, including commentaries on Luke and Acts. He is the Executive Director of Cultural Engagement and Senior Research Professor of New Testament Studies at Dallas Theological Seminary. He's also a host of DTS' podcast The Table.
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Tim and Beverly LaHaye were a prominent American evangelical Christian couple known for their influential work in ministry, literature, and conservative activism. Tim LaHaye, born in 1926 in Detroit, Michigan, was a pastor, author, and speaker who gained national recognition through his work in Christian fiction and prophecy interpretation. He served as a pastor for over 25 years before turning to full-time writing and speaking, often focusing on end-times theology and family values. Beverly LaHaye, born in 1929, was a vocal advocate for conservative Christian values and women’s roles in society, founding the organization Concerned Women for America in 1979.
Tim LaHaye is perhaps best known as the co-author of the Left Behind series, a best-selling collection of apocalyptic novels written with Jerry B. Jenkins. The series dramatizes a fictionalized version of the Rapture and subsequent tribulation, based on Tim’s interpretation of Biblical prophecy. These books sold over 80 million copies worldwide and sparked renewed interest in eschatology within evangelical circles. In addition to fiction, he wrote numerous nonfiction books addressing topics such as marriage, politics, and spirituality, always with a conservative Christian perspective.
Together, Tim and Beverly LaHaye were a formidable force in American evangelicalism, combining their talents in writing, activism, and public speaking to influence both Christian thought and conservative politics. Married for over 60 years until Tim's death in 2016, they left behind a legacy of fervent advocacy for their faith and values. While supporters praised their dedication to scripture and family, critics often challenged their political and theological positions. Regardless, their impact on late 20th and early 21st-century evangelicalism remains significant.
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Christians were involved with many forms of media from their inception. They were there at the dawn of radio, with the first commercial broadcast of music being played around Christmas in 1906, and the gospel of Luke was read.
A similar story is true for television. Evangelists loved the new medium, with preachers like Oral Roberts using it to spread their brand of Pentecostalism. Pentecostalism was made for television. Where many denominations featured calm worship services, it seemed like anything could happen with Oral Roberts' brand of Pentecostalism. He healed, he made big claims, and he made a lot of money. Roberts' format was followed by people like Jim Bakker and Pat Robertson.
Pat Robertson created the Christian Broadcasting Network, which later functioned as his platform for launching the political careers of politicians and, eventually, himself. Robertson's influence is all over evangelicalism, from the ubiquity of consumerism and prosperity ideology to our involvement in political movements. He formed the Christian Coalition and was a leader in the Council for National Policy. Robertson attended many of the seminal meetings of the Religious Right. And his message was amplified by his powerful television platform.
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Given the recent events in Venezuela, I have decided to run a classic episode from season 3. The question of our era is not "why did we do this?" but "why do we keep doing this?" Why does the United States continue to overthrow other countries?
God willing, I'll be back next week with a new episode about Pat Robertson.
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William R. “Bill” Bright was born in 1921 in Coweta, Oklahoma. Though raised in a religious environment, he initially pursued business success and personal ambition. While attending the University of Southern California, Bright experienced a dramatic spiritual transformation through the influence of Christian leaders like Henrietta Mears. This encounter led him to surrender his life to Jesus Christ and ultimately shaped his calling toward full-time evangelism.
In 1951, Bill and his wife, Vonette, founded Campus Crusade for Christ at UCLA with a vision to reach college students with the Gospel. He later developed The Four Spiritual Laws, a simple evangelistic tract that became one of the most widely distributed Christian tools in history. Under his leadership, Campus Crusade grew into a global movement with ministries focused on students, athletes, families, the military, and professionals. Bright also launched the Jesus Film Project in 1979, which became one of the most-translated and widely viewed films in the world.
What's missing from most short bios of Bright is the depth of his involvement in the Religious Right. He organized or was present at some of their key gatherings, founded a publishing house to print their words, and raised funds among them.
Bill Bright remained dedicated to fulfilling the Great Commission, often engaging in long periods of fasting and prayer for spiritual guidance. He received the prestigious Templeton Prize in 1996 for his contributions to religion and reinvested the award into Christian ministry. When he died in 2003, Campus Crusade for Christ had expanded into nearly every nation, with thousands of staff and volunteers sharing the Gospel worldwide. Bright’s life stands as a testament to the global impact one person can have through faith, vision, and relentless obedience to God’s call.
My guest for this episode is historian John G. Turner, author of Bill Bright and Campus Crusade for Christ: The Renewal of Evangelicalism in Postwar America.
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Also, my guest, Dave Hopping, used to be in the comedy duo "Dave and Brian". They were pretty big! Here is one of their videos.
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The New Right had a plan--to bring evangelical Christians together as a voting bloc. But how to do that? They chose a few targets, people with big followings, and courted them. Jerry Falwell was an obvious choice. He was a fundamentalist preacher, televangelist, and the founder of Liberty University. He also had a propensity for the dramatic, seeing the end of days around every corner.
The New Right did not like President Jimmy Carter and did their best to turn evangelicals against him. A big job considering that Carter was an evangelical and often talked about his faith. Still, they wanted Ronald Reagan (a divorced actor with a reputation with the ladies) to be their man.
In this episode, Chris is joined by author and historian Rick Perlstein.
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Jerry Falwell was a prominent American pastor, televangelist, and conservative political activist whose life and ministry had a significant impact on American evangelicalism and politics. Born on August 11, 1933, in Lynchburg, Virginia, Falwell grew up in a family that was not particularly religious. However, after becoming a Christian during his college years, he dedicated his life to ministry. He attended Baptist Bible College in Missouri, where he developed the theological convictions that would shape his future work. In 1956, at the age of 22, he returned to his hometown to found the Thomas Road Baptist Church, beginning his long journey as a spiritual and cultural leader.
Falwell’s ministry expanded rapidly through the use of media. He launched the “Old-Time Gospel Hour” television program, which gained national attention and allowed him to reach millions of viewers. His style combined traditional evangelical preaching with a strong emphasis on conservative values. The success of his broadcast ministry helped him establish a broad base of support and financial backing, enabling the growth of both his church and other initiatives. By the 1970s, Falwell had become one of the most recognizable faces of American evangelicalism.
In 1971, Falwell founded Liberty University in Lynchburg.
Perhaps Falwell’s most politically influential move came in 1979 with the founding of the Moral Majority, an organization that mobilized conservative Christians to become involved in American politics. Through the Moral Majority, Falwell encouraged evangelicals to support Republican candidates who aligned with their views on issues like abortion, school prayer, and family values. The group played a crucial role in the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, signaling a new era of religious involvement in American political life. Falwell's efforts helped to solidify the alliance between evangelical Christians and the Republican Party that persists to this day.
Falwell’s outspoken views often sparked controversy. He was a staunch opponent of abortion, LGBTQ rights, and the feminist movement, and he frequently spoke out against what he saw as the moral decline of American society. Critics accused him of promoting intolerance and mixing religion with politics in divisive ways. Nevertheless, his supporters praised him for standing up for biblical principles and being unafraid to speak his mind in a secularizing culture. Falwell saw himself as a defender of traditional American and Christian values, even as the country grew increasingly polarized.
Jerry Falwell died on May 15, 2007.
My guest for this episode is Daniel K Williams, author of God's Own Party.
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A lot of evangelicals are now single-issue voters, and that issue is abortion. But that was not always the case. In fact, for a great deal of American history, abortion was largely seen as a Catholic issue. There are, of course, exceptions. But most evangelicals and Protestants were divided on the subject, even favoring abortion when it came to preserving the health of the mother, or in cases of rape and incest.
On this episode, Chris interviews historian and author Daniel K. Williams about the history of the abortion debate in the United States. A major turning point was the availability of elective or "on-demand" abortions in places like New York. As evangelicals grew more upset with the moral decline of the country, they lumped abortion together with gay and lesbian rights fights, the proliferation of pornography, and decided that it needed to stop. Plus, big money through New Right PACs entered the field, and politicians were soon chosen on their allegiance to pro-life legislation.
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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the United States went years without using the death penalty. Not a single person was killed by injection, firing squad, hanging, or electric chair. But by the late 90s, we were killing around 100 convicted criminals per year. What happened?
In 1972, the Supreme Court handed down its decision Furman v. Georgia, which negated state capital punishment laws across the country. This meant that some of the worst criminals in the country were suddenly given new sentences. And Americans... lost their minds. Within just a few years, new laws were written, and the Court decided to approve many of them.
The death penalty long had a prejudiced bent, disproportionately killing people of color. The NAACP worked hard to end the practice, but those efforts were soon undone as American opinions toward the death penalty abruptly changed.
My special guest for this episode is Maurice Chammah, author of Let the Lord Sort Them: The Rise and Fall of the Death Penalty
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September 26, 1973 (page 94 of 98). (1973, Sep 26). The Ottawa Citizen (1954-1973) Retrieved from https://wsl.idm.oclc.org/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/september-26-1973-page-94-98/docview/2338669544/se-2
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Bob Jones University v. United States (1983) was a landmark U.S. Supreme Court case that addressed whether the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) could deny tax-exempt status to private religious schools that practiced racially discriminatory policies. Bob Jones University, a fundamentalist Christian institution, prohibited interracial dating and marriage among its students based on its religious beliefs. In 1970, the IRS revised its policy to deny tax-exempt status to private schools with racially discriminatory admissions policies, prompting Bob Jones University to file suit after losing its exemption.
The university argued that the IRS's actions violated its First Amendment rights to free exercise of religion. The central question for the Court was whether the government's interest in eradicating racial discrimination in education outweighed the burden on religious freedom imposed by the denial of tax-exempt status. The case thus pitted two core constitutional principles against each other: religious liberty and the government's interest in promoting equality.
In an 8–1 decision, the Supreme Court upheld the IRS’s position. Chief Justice Warren Burger, writing for the majority, stated that tax-exempt status is a form of government subsidy and that organizations seeking this benefit must serve a public interest. The Court held that eliminating racial discrimination in education was a "fundamental, overriding interest" that justified the burden on the university’s religious practices. It emphasized that the government is not required to subsidize discriminatory behavior, even when it is religiously motivated.
The ruling had significant implications. It clarified that tax-exempt status is conditional upon compliance with fundamental public policy, including civil rights laws. The decision reinforced the principle that religious freedom, while protected, does not allow institutions to violate core public values when receiving government benefits. This case remains a key precedent in balancing religious liberty with broader societal interests in equality and nondiscrimination.
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George Wallace was, as historian Dan Carter put it, "the most influential loser in American history". He was the governor of Alabama and lost multiple bids for president of the United States. In the process, he spread his racist views throughout the country.
Wallace is a vitally important figure in American history. His success in pulling in votes from racists attracted the attention of establishment politicians. He showed men like Richard Nixon that there was a significant voting bloc out there willing to vote based just on their fears about race.
In this episode, Chris speaks with historian and author Dan T. Carter about his book The Politics of Rage.
Wallace Bio (AI Generated)
George Corley Wallace Jr., born on August 25, 1919, in Clio, Alabama, rose to prominence as a controversial figure in American politics. A graduate of the University of Alabama School of Law in 1942, he served in the U.S. Army Air Forces during World War II. After the war, Wallace embarked on a political career, serving in the Alabama House of Representatives from 1947 to 1953 and as a circuit court judge until 1959. His early political endeavors were marked by a moderate stance on racial issues. However, his political trajectory shifted dramatically in the early 1960s.
In 1962, Wallace was elected governor of Alabama, campaigning on a platform of staunch segregationism. His infamous declaration, "Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever," during his inaugural address in 1963, epitomized his commitment to maintaining racial segregation. That same year, he attempted to block the enrollment of African American students, Vivian Malone and James Hood, at the University of Alabama, an event that became known as the "Stand in the Schoolhouse Door." This act of defiance against federal desegregation efforts brought national attention to Wallace and solidified his reputation as a symbol of resistance to civil rights advancements.
Wallace's political influence extended beyond state politics. In 1968, he ran for president as the candidate of the American Independent Party, advocating for states' rights and appealing to disaffected white voters. He carried five Southern states and secured 13.5% of the national vote, demonstrating significant support for his segregationist views on a national scale. Despite his presidential aspirations, Wallace's influence remained strongest in Alabama, where he served multiple non-consecutive terms as governor.
A pivotal moment in Wallace's life occurred in 1972 during his campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination. While campaigning in Laurel, Maryland, he was shot by Arthur Bremer, leaving him permanently paralyzed from the waist down. Despite this setback, Wallace returned to Alabama politics, winning the gubernatorial election in 1974. His later years in office were characterized by a shift in his political ideology, as he sought to distance himself from his earlier segregationist positions.
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